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Holder Must Go

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Playing The Race Card
At least Holder did not claim that people who criticized his conduct in the Rich pardon were racist. Yet he did recently make that charge against people who criticize him for “Operation Fast and Furious.”

In a December 2011 interview with The New York Times, Holder said that the “more extreme segment” of his current critics are against him because he is black: “This is a way to get at the president because of the way I can be identified with him. Both due to the nature of our relationship and, you know, the fact that we’re both African-American.”

Unfortunately, The New York Times did not ask any follow-up questions to Holder’s outrageous assertions. More than any other major newspaper, The New York Times treated the Holder DOJ’s malfeasance, including “Fast and Furious,” as if the newspaper were a public relations firm for Holder.

A more serious interviewer might have asked some follow-up questions, such as, “Who, specifically, do you think is criticizing you because of your race?” Or, “The National Rifle Association has criticized you and has previously criticized President Clinton’s attorney general, Janet Reno, who is white. Does this suggest that your most influential critics are not motivated by race?”

The odd thing about Holder playing the race card is that Holder himself, as attorney general, has established a record of race-based law enforcement.

Testifying before the Senate Judiciary Committee in his confirmation hearing, Holder said, “I think in some ways you can measure the success of an attorney general’s tenure by how the Civil Rights Division has done.”

The racism and dishonesty of the DOJ’s Civil Rights Division under Eric Holder’s control prompted civil rights attorney Christian Adams to go public and quit. His new book, Injustice: Exposing the Racial Agenda of the Obama Justice Department, blows the whistle on how Holder’s Civil Rights Division is opposed to equal and fair enforcement of the law, and rather tolerant of election fraud—as long as the right people are doing the fraud. Another former Civil Rights Division attorney, Hans von Spakovsky, who is now a senior fellow at the Heritage Foundation, has also written extensively about malfeasance at the Holder DOJ.

On Election Day 2008, some members of a racist group called the New Black Panther Party showed up at polls in Philadelphia, frightening white voters and poll watchers. Among the thugs was King Samir Shabazz, brandishing a nightstick.

Over strong objections from DOJ prosecutors, Holder’s team at DOJ ordered that the New Black Panther cases be dismissed, after the prosecutors had already won convictions.

Trying to justify the dismissals, on July 13, 2009, Assistant Attorney General Ron Weich sent a letter to Congress about the New Black Panther case. The letter said that the case against one of the Panthers was dismissed because he “was a resident of the apartment building where the polling place was located.” To the contrary, the man did not live there. He was not hanging around the polling place because he just happened to be in his own building.

Weich, incidentally, sent another false letter to Congress in February 2011, insisting that the government had never permitted “gun walking.” (That’s the term for guns being acquired and transported by known criminals who were not kept under surveillance, as in “Fast and Furious.”)

Like the gun-walking letter, the Weich letter about the Panther case was later retracted when its falsehood was exposed.

When Congress and the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights opened investigations of the New Black Panther dismissals, Holder blocked DOJ employees from complying with subpoenas to testify.

Fraud At The Polls
One part of the Civil Rights Division is the Voting Rights Section, whose job is to enforce federal laws that protect the right to vote and that prevent voting fraud. Among those laws is Section 8 of the Motor Voter Act—the law requires that states remove from the voting rolls dead people, felons who are ineligible to vote and people who have moved away.

The importance of Section 8 is obvious. The votes of genuine voters are diluted when impersonators illegally vote under the name of a dead person or of a person who no longer lives in the area. In a close election, impersonators can change the result.

In some places the problem is quite serious. For example, in Cameron Parish, Louisiana, the number of people on the voter rolls is 18 percent greater than the number of adult citizens who live in the parish. Four other Louisiana parishes have similar problems. (A parish in Louisiana is equivalent to a county.)

Yet in November 2009, then-Deputy Assistant Attorney General Julie Fernandes held a luncheon at which she announced to the Voting Rights Section that the Holder DOJ had “no interest” in enforcing Section 8. As she put it, “We are only interested in laws which increase turnout.”

During 2009, the head of the Voting Rights Section, Chris Coates, attempted to initiate investigations in eight states that apparently were violating Section 8 by keeping large numbers of ineligible persons on the voting rolls. Every one of those potential investigations was squashed by Obama/Holder appointees in the DOJ.

Holder’s team also told Coates that when he was interviewing DOJ job applicants, he could not ask them if they would enforce laws fairly, without regard to the victim’s race.

Appropriately, the Holder DOJ has investigated some cases of voter fraud, such as falsified absentee ballots—when the fraud is alleged to take place in white majority counties. In black majority counties, the Holder DOJ appears more reluctant to enforce the law. Even when Alabama Secretary of State Beth Chapman sent the DOJ proof of ongoing vote fraud in Hale County, Ala., Holder ignored her plea to send federal election monitors.

Another very low priority in the Holder DOJ is enforcing the Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act, which protects the voting rights of military personnel. The 2009 law requires that states send absentee ballots to military voters at least 45 days before an election and that every military installation have a voter registration office. The DOJ did not even get around to telling military installations about this requirement until after the 2010 election was over.

As Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, wrote, “Leading up to the 2010 mid-terms, we could see that DOJ enforcement was not what Congress intended—and not what our troops deserved. … If DOJ spent as much time and effort enforcing the … Act as they did trying to get convicted felons back on the voter rolls, thousands of military voters might have gotten their ballots on time.”

In the upcoming 2012 election, the Supreme Court, and therefore the Second Amendment, hangs in the balance. With a billion dollars of campaign funds, President Obama will be a formidable candidate.

Should the election come down to a few close states, it is possible that the election could be determined by a few hundred or a few thousand votes. With the Holder Department of Justice so obviously tolerant of voter fraud, election participation by pro-Constitution activists will be all the more important—so that the margin of victory for pro-rights candidates is greater than the amount of fraudulent “votes” that may be recorded for the anti-rights ones.

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